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Can Trump Hatred Trump Democrat Schism?

Can Trump Hatred Trump Democrat Schism?

Despite an early exodus from the Republican Party in response to the 2016 election of President Trump, the GOP base has kept fairly united. Not so with the Democratic Party. It is in the throes of a major schism – pitting the old guard against the newly empowered radical left. Under normal circumstances, this would doom a political party in terms of elections. But Democrats have a counterbalance. It is abject hatred for Trump. They are betting that Trump Derangement Syndrome will trump outrageous and unpopular policies.

The fractures within the Democratic Party run deep and are on vivid display in recent primaries and candidate selections. In Maine, voters handed the Democratic Senate nomination to Graham Platner, a progressive oyster farmer and military veteran who ran as a radical left-wing anti-establishment populist.

Platner took the Democrat Senate nomination by default by forcing out Maine’s more moderate Governor Janet Mills, despite a barrage of unflattering revelations about his past. His victory signals the rising influence of the radical left, which prioritizes bold economic populism, Medicare for All, and class war on billionaires.

Platner exposed the deep division in the party. He won the endorsement of senators Bernie Sander and Elizabeth Warren, Congressman Ro Khanna and Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer. They kicked principle into the gutter in favor or power – the possible control of the Senate. Others, such as Senator John Fetterman and Massachusetts Congressman Jake Auchincloss called on Platner to drop out of the race.,

Platner’s success reflects a broader pattern. The Democratic Party’s old guard – those pragmatic moderates who once dominated the party machinery – finds itself increasingly sidelined by a energized cohort demanding transformative change. This is not a mere policy disagreement. It is a battle for the soul of the party, with the radicals viewing compromise as capitulation and the establishment seeing ideological purity as electoral suicide.

The divisions in the Democratic Party emerged in California’s congressional races. In various districts, progressive challengers clashed with entrenched incumbents and establishment-backed candidates. Redistricting and generational tensions amplified these fights, as younger, more left-leaning Democrats pushed aggressive agendas on housing, healthcare, and wealth redistribution, often against the preferences of veteran members wary of alienating swing voters or business interests. These contests highlighted the party’s inability to present a cohesive front, with endorsements and resources split along ideological lines.

Across the country, primaries have featured battles between economic populists inspired by figures like Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and more centrist voices concerned about overreach on issues such as open borders, defunding law enforcement, and identity-driven woke policies. In safe blue seats, insurgents challenge veterans. In competitive districts, the party struggles to reconcile demands for socialism-lite with the need to appeal to working-class voters who have shown increasing skepticism toward progressive orthodoxies.

This schism is not superficial. It manifests in policy paralysis, public messaging confusion, and internal recriminations. The old guard clings to institutions and donor networks, while the radicals harness grassroots energy and social media mobilization. The result is a party that appears more interested in settling scores within its own ranks than in crafting a compelling vision for the American people.

Yet, Democrats believe they possess a unifying force potent enough to paper over these cracks — their visceral, all-consuming hatred for Donald Trump. Time and again, they have attempted to rally the troops by portraying Trump as an existential threat – a dictator in waiting, even a Nazi and a danger to democracy itself. This strategy worked to some degree in the past, driving turnout and suppressing internal dissent. The question now is whether Democrats can gin up enough hatred to patch over the party’s internal divisions.

In the end, the Democratic Party’s reliance on anti-Trump animus reveals a profound weakness. A political movement defined by what it opposes, rather than what it proposes, risks exhaustion. As the 2026 midterms approach, voters will judge not just the intensity of Democratic hatred, but the substance of their alternatives. If the schism persists – and the hatred proves insufficient to mask it – the party may find itself more divided in defeat than it ever was in opposition.”

So, there ‘tis.

About The Author

Larry Horist

So, there ‘tis… The opinions, perspectives and analyses of businessman, conservative writer and political strategist Larry Horist. Larry has an extensive background in economics and public policy. For more than 40 years, he ran his own Chicago based consulting firm. His clients included such conservative icons as Steve Forbes and Milton Friedman. He has served as a consultant to the Nixon White House and travelled the country as a spokesman for President Reagan’s economic reforms. Larry professional emphasis has been on civil rights and education. He was consultant to both the Chicago and the Detroit boards of education, the Educational Choice Foundation, the Chicago Teachers Academy and the Chicago Academy for the Performing Arts. Larry has testified as an expert witness before numerous legislative bodies, including the U. S. Congress, and has lectured at colleges and universities, including Harvard, Northwestern and DePaul. He served as Executive Director of the City Club of Chicago, where he led a successful two-year campaign to save the historic Chicago Theatre from the wrecking ball. Larry has been a guest on hundreds of public affairs talk shows, and hosted his own program, “Chicago In Sight,” on WIND radio. An award-winning debater, his insightful and sometimes controversial commentaries have appeared on the editorial pages of newspapers across the nation. He is praised by audiences for his style, substance and sense of humor. Larry retired from his consulting business to devote his time to writing. His books include a humorous look at collecting, “The Acrapulators’ Guide”, and a more serious history of the Democratic Party’s role in de facto institutional racism, “Who Put Blacks in That PLACE? -- The Long Sad History of the Democratic Party’s Oppression of Black Americans ... to This Day”. Larry currently lives in Boca Raton, Florida.

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  1. Larry, isn’t it ARE a bad idea, not IS a bad idea. I agree and then some. It seems confusing,…