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HORIST: What can Trump do about the endless investigations?

<p class&equals;"MsoNormal">Ever since the appointment of Special Counsel Robert Mueller&comma; Democrats and the New York&sol;Washington media has maintained an almost daily narrative that President Trump wanted to&comma; was about to&comma; and even tried to fire him&period;&nbsp&semi; This persisted despite assurances from the White House that there was no plan to remove Mueller &ndash&semi; at least not at the time&period;<&sol;p>&NewLine;<p class&equals;"MsoNormal">The thought was never completely off the table&comma; however&comma; because Trump had set forth some red lines that would have him reconsider taking action against Mueller&period; Trump has no problem with investigating Russian interference in our elections&period;&nbsp&semi; He has said so several times &ndash&semi; although the media does not air his quotes on that subject&period;&nbsp&semi; Trump opposed the investigation of collusion and its offspring&comma; obstruction of justice&period;&nbsp&semi; He also objects to having the investigation go off willy-nilly into matters unrelated to Russian interference in the election&period;&nbsp&semi; In appointing Mueller&comma; Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein gave the Special Counsel more latitude than seemed necessary and appropriate to the stated purpose&period;&nbsp&semi; If ever there was a red line for Trump&comma; the raid on the office and living quarters of the President&rsquo&semi;s personal and official attorney&comma; Michael Cohen&comma; is it&period;<&sol;p>&NewLine;<p class&equals;"MsoNormal">All sides can agree on one thing&period;&nbsp&semi; This is no small matter&period;&nbsp&semi; A raid on the office of an attorney is not unheard of&comma; but extremely rare&period;&nbsp&semi; When the President of the United States is the client of that attorney&comma; the significance of the raid is compounded&period; &nbsp&semi;<&sol;p>&NewLine;<p class&equals;"MsoNormal">The attorney-client privilege is far from absolute and not the shield that even many lawyers might believe&period;&nbsp&semi; Because such raids are rare&comma; lawyers often do not protect the privilege as they should&period;&nbsp&semi; They may have third parties in on conversations and meetings of a highly confidential nature&period;&nbsp&semi; That kills the privilege&period; A lawyer may tell others about matters without the client present&period;&nbsp&semi; That kills the privilege&period;&nbsp&semi; If any information relates to a crime by the attorney &ndash&semi; in association with the client or not &ndash&semi; that kills the privilege&period;<&sol;p>&NewLine;<p class&equals;"MsoNormal">While many media pundits and panelists talk about the safeguards in the process of securing lawyer files&comma; it is not quite as pristine and perfect as they suggest&period;&nbsp&semi; Those reviewing the seized documents have considerable leeway in deciding what information is protected and what is not &ndash&semi; and it is the nature of prosecutors to limit the privilege as much as possible&period;<&sol;p>&NewLine;<p class&equals;"MsoNormal">A second problem for Cohen and possibly Trump is the amount of information revealed that may prove to be embarrassing if not criminal&period;&nbsp&semi; If you ever thought about having revealed things you said to others about your spouse or closest friend&comma; you can understand the potential for embarrassment&period; This is heightened by the fact that the information is dealing with the President in a highly charged partisan atmosphere and with such sensational subjects as sex and payoffs&period; The potential for leaks of salacious damaging information is enormous&period;<&sol;p>&NewLine;<p class&equals;"MsoNormal">One can only speculate as to the purpose of the raid&period;&nbsp&semi; To get the warrant&comma; prosecutors would have to convince a judge that it is probable that the information sought will give evidence of a crime&period;&nbsp&semi; What possible crimes could they be looking to prove&quest;<&sol;p>&NewLine;<p class&equals;"MsoNormal">Some have speculated that interest of the prosecutors could have to do with Russian money laundering &&num;8212&semi; that old standard of Russian collusion with the campaign&period;&nbsp&semi; That is very unlikely&comma; however&comma; since the case involving Cohen was kicked to a New York federal prosecutor because the suspected activities were outside the mandate of the Special Counsel&period;&nbsp&semi; Russian collusion is a centerpiece of the investigation&period;&nbsp&semi; This leaves a few other possibilities&period;<&sol;p>&NewLine;<p class&equals;"MsoNormal">Some pundits theorize that it may have to do with the &dollar;130&comma;000 payment to the porn performer as a violation of Federal Election laws&period;&nbsp&semi; That would also seem unlikely since such cases are generally first handled administratively by the Federal Election Commission &ndash&semi; although&comma; in view of the John Edwards case&comma; it is possible a criminal case can be argued&period;&nbsp&semi; It is also important to remember that Edwards&comma; whose affair and payoffs were revealed during his presidential campaign&comma; was acquitted&period;<&sol;p>&NewLine;<p class&equals;"MsoNormal">The prosecutors could also be looking into possible illegal activities associated with the Trump real estate empire&period;&nbsp&semi; It would be almost impossible to find a major developer whose company did not violate laws on occasion&comma; <a name&equals;"&lowbar;Hlk511125435"><&sol;a>with or without the principal&rsquo&semi;s knowledge&period;&nbsp&semi; That is the one area that gives the appellation &ldquo&semi;witch hunt&rdquo&semi; some legitimacy&period;&nbsp&semi; These are starting to look like investigations in search of crimes&period;<&sol;p>&NewLine;<p class&equals;"MsoNormal">The other reality is that if Cohen broke any laws in any of the cases &ndash&semi; Russian involvement&comma; porn payoffs&comma; Trump business dealing &ndash&semi; there is no certainty that Trump would be involved&period;&nbsp&semi; It may be like the Manafort&sol;Gates&sol;Flynn indictments that deal with crimes not related to the Trump or the campaign&period;&nbsp&semi; Why Mueller and the folks at the Department of Justice thought the Cohen case was outside the scope of the Special Counsel authority and the Manafort&sol;Gates&sol;Flynn cases were not&comma; is puzzling&comma; to say the least&period;<&sol;p>&NewLine;<p class&equals;"MsoNormal">Under even the most favorable scenarios for Trump and his presidency&comma; it is obvious that the various investigations and lawsuits are going to require a lot of attention &ndash&semi; and engender a lot of anger and frustration&period;&nbsp&semi; The fact that any legitimate investigation is inextricably tied to a very strident never-Trump resistance movement&comma; makes the situation even worse&period;&nbsp&semi; The dragging on of these multiple investigations will&comma; despite any best efforts to the contrary&comma; hamper the Trump agenda&period;&nbsp&semi; With Democrats and much of the media already assuming the GOP will lose control of the House&comma; the investigations could multiply and become much more political than they are&period;<&sol;p>&NewLine;<p class&equals;"MsoNormal">So&comma; what if Trump points to his red line or uses his authority to reign in the Special Council&quest;&nbsp&semi; His critics and even some on-again-off-again allies suggest that it would unleash a political storm that would take down his presidency&period;&nbsp&semi; It would be the one act that could gain support for impeachment among establishment Republicans on Capitol Hill&period;&nbsp&semi; Many in the GOP believe such action would cost them the House for sure&period;<&sol;p>&NewLine;<p class&equals;"MsoNormal">For Trump&comma; it is a high-risk gamble&period;&nbsp&semi; Do you hang in with Mueller&comma; believing in your innocence and the potential of keeping control of the House &lpar;ergo no impeachment effort&rpar; or do you shut down what you consider to be bogus investigations and take your chances with impeachment-minded Democrats controlling the House&quest;&nbsp&semi; There is a third scenario&comma; however&period;&nbsp&semi; Can Trump shake up the DOJ by firing Rod Rosenstein and use the ensuing month to focus on policies and his job rating without the drip&comma; drip&comma; drip of media accusations&quest;<&sol;p>&NewLine;<p class&equals;"MsoNormal">The answer to the first part of that question is&comma; yes&comma; he can&period;&nbsp&semi; It goes something like this&period;&nbsp&semi; Trump fires Rosenstein and replaces him with a friendlier Deputy AG &ndash&semi; one who will restrict Mueller&rsquo&semi;s work to investigating Russian meddling in the election&period;&nbsp&semi; The new Deputy would then order the closing down of the Trump collusion portion of the investigation base on Mueller&rsquo&semi;s findings&comma; which so far have exonerated Trump&period; He would site the comments from Deputy FBI Directory Andrew McCabe to then White House Chief of Staff Reince Priebus that the FBI found no criminal collusion&semi; statements by then FBI Director James Comey that the President was not under investigation for collusion&semi; and finally Mueller&rsquo&semi;s report that Trump was not the target of a criminal investigation&period;&nbsp&semi; The Deputy AG could then sight the hundreds of millions of dollars and thousands of hours over more than a year expended on an investigation that has not yet found any wrongdoing by Trump or his campaign&period;<&sol;p>&NewLine;<p class&equals;"MsoNormal">Coincidentally to all this&comma; Cohen withdraws his representation of Trump in all its manifestations &ndash&semi; presidential&comma; corporate and personal&period;&nbsp&semi; Trump then ends the New York federal investigation by pardoning Cohen&period;&nbsp&semi; Since officially&comma; Trump knows he is not a target of any criminal investigation &ndash&semi; so sayeth Mueller &ndash&semi; there would be little risk of obstruction of justice&period;&nbsp&semi; The pardon would be on a stated humanitarian basis&period;&nbsp&semi; If there were violations of state law&period;&nbsp&semi; Charges could still be brought by the New York Attorney General or a local state&&num;8217&semi;s attorney&period;&nbsp&semi; Trump can only issue pardons for potential or actual federal crimes&period;<&sol;p>&NewLine;<p class&equals;"MsoNormal">And what about that stormy Stormy Daniels case&quest;&nbsp&semi; Since Trump has said he knew nothing of the non-disclosure deal&comma; he should advise Cohen&comma; who controls that case&comma; to get his money back from Daniels&comma; as she has promised&comma; and tear up the NDA&period;&nbsp&semi; She has already told most of her story to the public through the media and her star-struck attorney <span style&equals;"font-size&colon; 10pt&semi; line-height&colon; 107&percnt;&semi; font-family&colon; Arial&comma; sans-serif&semi;">Michael Avenatti&period;<&sol;span>&nbsp&semi; If she has more salacious details&comma; who cares&quest;&nbsp&semi; If scores of women come forward to make accusations&comma; who cares&period; Ironically the more accusations&comma; the less credible they ALL become&period;&nbsp&semi; It comes down to a she-said&sol;he-said &ndash&semi; and the less Trump says the better&period;&nbsp&semi; Their credibility is worse than Trump&rsquo&semi;s&period;&nbsp&semi; Do Daniels and others have some naughty images or recordings&quest;&nbsp&semi; Who cares&quest;&nbsp&semi; If they can get a few bucks out of some sleazy publication&comma; who cares&quest;&nbsp&semi; Returning the money would also take the wind out of any FEC election contribution case&period;<&sol;p>&NewLine;<p class&equals;"MsoNormal">Yes&comma; If Trump followed the aforementioned path&comma; there would be an enormous howl among the never Trump crowd&period;&nbsp&semi; They will mislabel it as a constitutional crisis &ndash&semi; mislabeled because all Trump&rsquo&semi;s actions and the opposition&rsquo&semi;s reactions will be played out according to the Constitution&period; &nbsp&semi;Political crisis&quest;&nbsp&semi; Very possibly&period;&nbsp&semi; Constitutional crisis&quest; No&period;&nbsp&semi;<&sol;p>&NewLine;<p class&equals;"MsoNormal">Ending the collusion portion of the investigation would not be devoid of some popular support &ndash&semi; especially since the Russian meddling portion would proceed&period;&nbsp&semi; It would be well received by the 35 to 40 percent who remain on team Trump&period;&nbsp&semi; There are also those who would welcome an end to the overly long melodrama&period;&nbsp&semi; Polls are already showing a growing public backlash to the investigation&period;&nbsp&semi;<&sol;p>&NewLine;<p class&equals;"MsoNormal">After firing Mueller&comma; Trump would face a period of leaks that would suggest what might have been uncovered and determined had the investigation run its course&period;&nbsp&semi; On the other side of the coin&comma; the pending investigations into misconduct by senior FBI officials&comma; the use of the Dossier&comma; Russian money into the Clinton Foundation would come out from the shadow of the Mueller investigation&period;<&sol;p>&NewLine;<p class&equals;"MsoNormal">One can never be sure in these times where the firing of Rosenstein might take the Trump presidency &ndash&semi; above the partisan fray or in a nose dive&period;&nbsp&semi; But the ending of limiting the collusion portion may not be quite the catastrophe that Trump&rsquo&semi;s detractors may believe or wish&period;<&sol;p>&NewLine;<p>&nbsp&semi;<&sol;p>&NewLine;<p class&equals;"MsoNormal" style&equals;"margin-bottom&colon; &period;0001pt&semi; mso-layout-grid-align&colon; none&semi; text-autospace&colon; none&semi;"><em><span style&equals;"font-size&colon; 9&period;5pt&semi; line-height&colon; 107&percnt;&semi; font-family&colon; TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT&semi; mso-bidi-font-family&colon; TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT&semi;">Larry Horist is a conservative activist with an extensive background in economics&comma; public policy and politics&period; Clients of his consulting firm have included such conservative icons as Steve Forbes and Milton Friedman&comma; as well as the White House&period; He has testified as an expert witness before legislative bodies&comma; including the U&period; S&period; Congress&comma; and lectured at major colleges and universities&period; An award-winning debater&comma; his insightful and sometimes controversial commentaries appear frequently on the editorial pages of newspapers across the nation&period; He can be reached at <&sol;span><&sol;em><a href&equals;"mailto&colon;lph&commat;thomasandjoyce&period;com"><em><span style&equals;"font-size&colon; 9&period;5pt&semi; line-height&colon; 107&percnt;&semi; font-family&colon; TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT&semi; mso-bidi-font-family&colon; TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT&semi;">lph&commat;thomasandjoyce&period;com<&sol;span><&sol;em><&sol;a><em><span style&equals;"font-size&colon; 9&period;5pt&semi; line-height&colon; 107&percnt;&semi; font-family&colon; TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT&semi; mso-bidi-font-family&colon; TimesNewRomanPS-ItalicMT&semi;">&period;<&sol;span><&sol;em><&sol;p>&NewLine;

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