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GOP Enters Midterm Election Season with Low Expectations

&NewLine;<p>We are on the cusp of the midterm election season – that time when we begin to take up more serious punditry&comma; and voters start locking in their decisions&period; The crystal ball is still a little cloudy&comma; but some things are starting to take shape&period; The overriding issue is which party is going to have control of the House and Senate come January of 2027&period;<&sol;p>&NewLine;&NewLine;&NewLine;&NewLine;<p>For some time I have predicted that the Democrats will take the House&period; It has as much to do with tradition as contemporary issues&period; The party that controls the White House and the House going into the midterms usually loses seats in the House – and by significant numbers&period;<&sol;p>&NewLine;&NewLine;&NewLine;&NewLine;<p>In 1938&comma; Democrats took control with a record gain of 65 seats&period; In more recent times&comma; President Clinton lost 54 seats 1994&period; President Bush lost 30 in 2006&period; President Obama lost a whopping 63 seats in 2010&period; President Trump lost 40 in 2018&period;<&sol;p>&NewLine;&NewLine;&NewLine;&NewLine;<p>That tradition runs up against the GOP holding one of the slimmest margins in American history&period; At this moment&comma; Republicans have a two<em>‑seat<&sol;em> margin &&num;8212&semi; barely enough to enact their own legislative agenda&period; Essentially&comma; it is a majority in name only&period; It is the majority that has repeatedly struggled to function&period; Despite partisan criticism&comma; however&comma; Speaker Johnson has done an admirable job of getting most of Trump’s critical legislation across the finish line&period;<&sol;p>&NewLine;&NewLine;&NewLine;&NewLine;<p>Making Republican election prospects even worse this year is the fact that the mood of the country is running against them&period; We see that in the polling and in the various interim and special elections&period; Poll after poll shows Republicans trailing Democrats on the generic congressional ballot by anywhere from 3 to 7 points&period; That may not sound like much&comma; but historically&comma; a lead of even 2 or 3 points in the generic ballot often translates into substantial seat gains for the party out of power&period; The numbers have been remarkably consistent for months&comma; suggesting that the electorate’s dissatisfaction is not a passing storm but a weather pattern&period;<&sol;p>&NewLine;&NewLine;&NewLine;&NewLine;<p>And then there are the special elections – the canaries in the political coal mine&period; In race after race&comma; Democrats have been outperforming their 2024 numbers&comma; sometimes by double digits&period; These are not isolated flukes&period; They are happening in suburban districts&comma; rural districts&comma; and even in districts that Donald Trump carried&period;<&sol;p>&NewLine;&NewLine;&NewLine;&NewLine;<p>The most dramatic example came out of Texas&comma; where a long‑held Republican state senate seat flipped to the Democrats in a special election that surprised even seasoned analysts&period; That district had been reliably red for decades&comma; with Trump carrying the district by 17 points in 2024&period; The Democratic candidate didn’t just squeak by&period; He won by a comfortable 9 point margin – a shift of 26 points in less than two years&period; That is transitional&period;<&sol;p>&NewLine;&NewLine;&NewLine;&NewLine;<p>The predominantly Latino district presents an ominous warning to the GOP&period; Republican gains among Latinos in recent years are reversing largely due to Trump’s deportation policies&period; As America’s largest minority group&comma; such a shift has implications in other districts&period;<&sol;p>&NewLine;&NewLine;&NewLine;&NewLine;<p>These interim election results matter because they reflect real voter behavior&comma; not hypothetical preferences&period; Polls are imprecise&period; Voters in special elections actually cast ballots&period; And what they are telling us is that the political winds are blowing in one direction &&num;8212&semi; and it is not favoring the GOP&period;<&sol;p>&NewLine;&NewLine;&NewLine;&NewLine;<p>In addition&comma; the Supreme Court has recently upheld the new California congressional map – which is expected to give Democrats up to five additional House seats&period; How this may be offset by redistricting in red states is yet to be seen&period;<&sol;p>&NewLine;&NewLine;&NewLine;&NewLine;<p>Presidential popularity always plays a major role in midterms&period; Historically&comma; the President’s approval rating is one of the strongest predictors of how their party will perform&period; When approval is above 50 percent&comma; the president’s party often holds its ground or even gains seats&period; When approval dips below 45 percent&comma; the losses can be brutal&period; And right now&comma; President Trump is facing a favorability problem&period; His approval numbers have been stuck in the low 40s across most reliable polls &&num;8212&semi; with disapproval consistently above 50 percent&period; That is not a formula for midterm success&period;<&sol;p>&NewLine;&NewLine;&NewLine;&NewLine;<p>This is also the time when voters start locking in their choices&period; The early months of an election year are when the broad outlines of the electorate’s mood begin to harden&period; Each party will have its base – the loyalists who would vote for their party even if the candidate was a cardboard cutout&period; But elections are not won by the base&period; They are won by the swing voters and the independents&period; And right now&comma; those voters are leaning away from the GOP&period;<&sol;p>&NewLine;&NewLine;&NewLine;&NewLine;<p>Independents&comma; in particular&comma; have been breaking toward Democrats in both polling and special elections&period; These are the voters who decide close races&period; They are not overtly ideological&period; They are not partisan&period; At this moment&comma; they are signaling discomfort with the current Republican leadership in Washington&period;<&sol;p>&NewLine;&NewLine;&NewLine;&NewLine;<p>None of this guarantees a Democratic takeover&period; Politics is fluid&period; Events can intervene&period; Campaigns matter&period; But the early indicators – the polling&comma; the special elections&comma; the presidential approval numbers&comma; the historical patterns – all point in the same direction&period; If the GOP cannot reverse these trends soon&comma; they may find themselves watching the House gavel change hands in January of 2027&period;<&sol;p>&NewLine;&NewLine;&NewLine;&NewLine;<p>If the Senate remains in Republican control&comma; House Democrats have no hope of enacting their pet progressive legislation&period; It might spend most of its time impeaching Trump and other Republican officeholders&period;<&sol;p>&NewLine;&NewLine;&NewLine;&NewLine;<p>As far as the Senate is concerned&comma; I am holding with my prediction that the GOP will retain a slim majority – although I am lowering the odds&period; And no matter which party controls the Senate&comma; the filibuster will continue to frustrate progress in the upper chamber&period; Welcome to gridlock&period;<&sol;p>&NewLine;&NewLine;&NewLine;&NewLine;<p>The crystal ball may still be cloudy&comma; but the shapes forming inside it are becoming harder to ignore – and the trajectories more difficult to change&period;<&sol;p>&NewLine;&NewLine;&NewLine;&NewLine;<p>So&comma; there &OpenCurlyQuote;tis&period;<&sol;p>&NewLine;

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